Saša Stjepanović, Daniel Tomić, Marinko Škare
In the push for more sustainable and greener progress, faster economic growth is no longer a priority. Is this true? There is a broad agreement that global society should strive for a higher standard of human wellbeing that is equitably shared and sustainable. Motivations for such plight are numerous; from economic (GDP measure is dangerously inadequate measure of quality of life since it counts what we produce and consume, but ignores social costs, environmental outcomes and income inequality), ecological (public is getting increasingly concerned with depleted natural resources and polluted environment, and other ecological issues), philosophical (human appetites and the population growth render non-market wellbeing measures to confront it with the society’s material standard of living), political (the concept of so-called green growth is generating diversity in positions, from enthusiastic to cautious, for it can be an opportunity, but also a risk that disfavours one country on international level) to even methodological questions (the lack of recognized methodological principles that would be the basis for reliable statistical data, thus an accurate accounting and valuation system of economic growth and development).
Petr Hlaváček, Julius Janáček
In the transitional economies of Central and Eastern Europe after the completion of the privatization process, there was increased pressure to win foreign investment to support the ongoing economic transformation. Countries systematically dealt with the problém of a lack of foreign investments (Švejnar, 2002; Hardy et al., 2011). For this reason, in the Czech Republic and in other post-communist countries an incentive system was created for foreign investors (Ginevičius & Šimelytė, 2011). The aim was to increase the attractiveness of the economy for foreign investors in competition with other countries, which also created their own incentive systems. In the Czech legislation, a foreign investor is defined as a company that establishes or expands its representation as a foreign investor in the host economy, which includes acquiring at least 10% of the share of the assets and/or voting rights in a company.
Ivana Rašić Bakarić, Katarina Bačić, Sunčana Slijepčević
Cities are considered centres of economic activity and, presumably, they remain attractive locations for manufacturing firms so as long as benefits agglomeration economies prevail over the costs of agglomeration diseconomies. Agglomeration economies attract firms and labour to co-locate, while agglomeration diseconomies push firms and labour to relocate to decentralised locations (Richardson, 1995). Industry patterns formed across urban landscape of a country or a region will largely depend on the interplay of these opposite forces, as well as on industry- and firm-specific issues. The size of agglomeration and the economic structure may be interrelated and in some economies, mostly larger, patterns of city specialisation emerge. All cities are characterised by being either specialised or diversified, depending on whether their economic activity is concentrated in similar or dissimilar types of production – and larger cities tend to be more diversified (Duranton & Puga, 2000).
Jiří Mazurek, Elena Mielcová
Knowledge is certainly one of the most important assets possessed both by individuals and by societies. In (substantial) part of the World, knowledge of individuals is obtained via a formal education in an educational system divided into subsequent several stages (usually pre-primary, primary, secondary, and tertiary education). Nowadays, populations’ costs of formal public education in the majority of countries constitute a significant portion of national wealth, often exceeding 5% of a gross domestic product. On average, World’s education costs reached 4.7% of the World’s GDP in 2013, according to the World Bank (2017). The costs of private education and especially the costs of tertiary education at the top universities in the USA, Canada, UK, or China are also considerably high.
Stephen J. Clark, Ludwig O. Dittrich, Stephen M. Law, Dana Stará, Miroslav Barták
An important health financing issue facing Canada and other OECD countries (OECD, 2017) are the health consequences of obesity. Statistics Canada (2014) reports that 51.6% of adult Canadians were overweight or obese in 2009 compared to 53.6% in 2013. The proportion of Canadians who are overweight differs by sex, with 59.2% of Canadian males overweight in 2009 compared to 62% in 2013 and 43.9% of females overweight in 2009 compared to 45.1% in 2013. These increases have led to calls for policies to control obesity (see Clark et al., 2014). These rates of obesity are based on the body mass index (BMI) which is the ratio of weight (in kilograms) to the square of height (in meters). Cranfield (2007) uses the Canadian Community Heath Survey (CCHS) to examine the determinants of the body mass index (BMI) of Canadians.